Not Just Kohelet: Exposing the NGOs that Paved the Way for Radical Right-Wing Legislation

It’s happening below the radar and has been for years: non-governmental organizations did the groundwork to advance the agendas of right-wing parties. In some of them, politicians were actively involved in drawing up plans to change the very character of the State of Israel. Members of one group visited a key Knesset committee – chaired by one of its founders – no fewer than 55 times. The fingerprints of another, which is working to turn Israel into a Halakha state, can be found all over the coalition agreements. The list of organizations goes on and on. A Shomrim investigation

It’s happening below the radar and has been for years: non-governmental organizations did the groundwork to advance the agendas of right-wing parties. In some of them, politicians were actively involved in drawing up plans to change the very character of the State of Israel. Members of one group visited a key Knesset committee – chaired by one of its founders – no fewer than 55 times. The fingerprints of another, which is working to turn Israel into a Halakha state, can be found all over the coalition agreements. The list of organizations goes on and on. A Shomrim investigation

It’s happening below the radar and has been for years: non-governmental organizations did the groundwork to advance the agendas of right-wing parties. In some of them, politicians were actively involved in drawing up plans to change the very character of the State of Israel. Members of one group visited a key Knesset committee – chaired by one of its founders – no fewer than 55 times. The fingerprints of another, which is working to turn Israel into a Halakha state, can be found all over the coalition agreements. The list of organizations goes on and on. A Shomrim investigation

Far-right Parties leaders Avi Maoz and Bezalel Smotrich. Photo: Reuters

Shuki Sadeh

in collaboration with

August 31, 2023

Summary

For years, a significant portion of the Israeli public remained blissfully unaware of the Kohelet Policy Forum's existence and activities. It wasn't until Justice Minister Yariv Levin unveiled his ambitious plan to overhaul Israel's judicial system in January this year, that the general populace was exposed to Kohelet's pivotal role in laying the academic and legislative groundwork for these sweeping changes.

The Kohelet Policy Forum may be the largest organization of its kind in Israel, but it is by no means the only one. A close examination of extreme-right parties within Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's coalition—Religious Zionism, Otzma Yehudit, and Noam—reveals their associations with various non-governmental organizations that have significantly influenced their agendas over the years. In some instances, politicians have actively participated in formulating plans aimed at fundamentally altering the face of Israel.

Until recently, elected officials were notably cautious about revealing their true intentions. In stark contrast, right-wing NGOs operate with transparency, and an examination of their objectives, activities, and the politicians linked to them unveils the reality behind the soothing rhetoric and reconciliation campaigns, such as the recently launched "We Are Brothers'' initiative. Some of these NGOs, for instance, envision Israel as a state governed by Jewish law—a Halacha state. Others champion anti-LGBTQ+ sentiments, focus on the Judaization of specific regions within the country, or seek to establish groups of religious settlers (Garinim Torani’im) in predominantly secular neighborhoods.

1.

The Movement for Governability and Democracy 

Behind the Scenes of Radical Legislative Influence

Founded: 2013 | Annual Budget: Approximately 450,000 shekels ($120,000)

An examination of the NGO's position papers over the years reveals that the main issues they sought to advance closely align with the legislative initiatives currently pushed by Rothman as part of the judicial reforms

Members of the Movement for Governability and Democracy have made no fewer than 55 appearances before the Knesset's Constitution, Law, and Justice Committee since the committee commenced its marathon discussions on government judicial reforms in January 2023. (For comparison, members of the Kohelet Policy Forum made only 41 visits.) While this may seem like a surprisingly high number of visits, a closer look at the NGO's activities over the past decade, as well as the identity of one of its founders, provides context. According to their website, MK Simcha Rothman (Religious Zionism), the chairman of the Constitution, Law, and Justice Committee, co-founded the NGO and also served as its legal advisor until recently.

An examination of the NGO's position papers over the years reveals that the main issues they sought to advance closely align with the legislative initiatives currently pushed by Rothman as part of the judicial reforms. In July 2017, for instance, the movement published a position paper advocating for the abolition of the seniority system, which automatically appoints the longest-serving justice as the president of the High Court upon the incumbent's retirement. Instead, they proposed a system where the Knesset selects the next chief justice. A year and a half later, the movement released a position paper on the selection process for judges in Israel and abroad, which included scathing criticism of the existing method for selecting judges.

In April 2018, the movement issued another position paper, this time focused on the override clause. Their recommendation was to amend the law to prevent the High Court from overturning laws it deems inconsistent with the country's dozen Basic Laws. As discussions surrounding the so-called "judicial overhaul" progressed, the movement continued to publish position papers in support of legislative efforts in the Knesset. On January 16, shortly after Justice Minister Levin unveiled his plans, the movement submitted a position paper to Rothman's committee regarding the "Attorney General Law." In this document, the movement proposed separating the roles of government advisor and state attorney. On June 22, when the Constitution, Law, and Justice Committee initiated discussions on eliminating the reasonableness clause, the movement published a position paper endorsing the move.

On that eventful day when the law nullifying the reasonableness clause was passed by the Knesset, attorney Iska Bina expressed gratitude on social media platform X (formerly Twitter), stating, "This evening, I wish to thank my friends from the Movement for Governability and Democracy, who have been working for years toward this vital amendment to the judicial system, which we are just seeing the start of today."

Bina, along with attorney Ze’ev Lev, are both activists with the movement. Through their volunteer work with the Movement for Governability and Democracy, they initially collaborated at Rothman's law office. Today, they are partners at the Lev-Bina Law Firm, formerly known as Rothman-Lev-Bina.

When Rothman, who entered the Knesset after securing the fourth spot on Religious Zionism's list of candidates in the last election, served as the movement's legal advisor, he submitted several administrative requests and petitions to the Supreme Court. These primarily addressed issues related to freedom of information. In some instances, the movement found itself in confrontations with gatekeepers within the judicial system, foreshadowing the events unfolding today. One notable dispute involved Dina Zilber, who served as Deputy to Attorney General Avihai Mandelblit. In response to Zilber's criticism of the government's policy toward Israel's public broadcasting corporation, the movement filed a complaint against her, alleging violations of the rules governing civil servants' public comments. Mandelblit rejected this demand. In another instance, the movement petitioned the Supreme Court to initiate a criminal investigation into three senior female officials from the State Attorney’s Office, including Zilber, over their alleged involvement in a case linked to the Zadarov affair—one of Israel's most infamous murder trials. The petition was ultimately rejected.

MK Simcha Rothman (Left). Photo: Reuters

The Movement for Governability and Democracy was founded approximately a decade ago. In addition to Rothman, Yehuda Amrani, now the spokesperson for the Mateh Binyamin Regional Council in the West Bank, was another founding member and remains an authorized signatory for the movement. Amrani also serves as the secretary of the Komemiyut movement, established following Israel's disengagement from the Gaza Strip in 2005 (further details below). Other founders of the movement include Yair Kartman and Yaakov (Kobi) Yakir, who also have ties to Komemiyut and Torat HaMedina, an organization working toward establishing a state governed by Halakha (additional information below). At a later stage, former Kach member Keith "Israel" Fuchs, who was suspected of involvement in the 1985 assassination of Palestinian activist Alex Odeh in California, joined the Movement for Governability and Democracy as an activist. While the movement has maintained that Fuchs has no current connection to the organization, Knesset records suggest that, at the very least, he was involved with the movement for a period and even represented it at a meeting of the Knesset’s Interior and Environment Committee in 2015.

Yosef Apiryon, another founding member of the Movement for Governability and Democracy and one of the founders of Komemiyut, served on the movement's board until a year ago. All five of these individuals are well-known within extreme-right circles but remain largely unfamiliar to the Israeli public.

In response to inquiries, Attorney Ze’ev Lev from the Movement for Governability and Democracy stated, "There is no connection between the Movement for Governability and Democracy and Komemiyut. Activists within the Movement for Governability and Democracy have changed over the years. To the best of my knowledge, Yehuda Amrani is the only individual with a link to Komemiyut, but there is no organizational connection between the two. The ideas behind judicial reform are not new; they have existed from the outset. We participate in meetings of the Knesset's Constitution, Law, and Justice Committee, as do many other organizations."

Yehuda Amrani refused to respond to this article.

MK Simcha Rothman declined to comment.

2.

Torat HaMedina

Advocating for a Halacha State with Government Representation

Founded: 2018 | Budget for 2021: Approximately 110,000 shekels ($29,000)

In 2022, its members vigorously opposed Israel signing the Istanbul Convention, designed to protect women from violence, arguing that it might encourage non-Jewish women to immigrate to Israel. Ultimately, Israel refrained from signing the convention

In stark contrast to other far-right organizations, Torat HaMedina, founded by Yair Kartman and Yaakov Yakiv, who are also associated with the Movement for Governability and Democracy and Komemiyut, openly embraces its vision of a Halakha state. The group's website unambiguously states its mission as "engaging in formulating public policy based on the Torah and advancing these policies through study, research, legislation, and public initiatives." An accompanying video further elucidates their goal, emphasizing the aim "to base the State of Israel on the values of the Torah."

Torat HaMedina is not passive in its pursuit of this vision. In 2019, it organized a conference dedicated to promoting the implementation of Torah Law within the Israeli judicial system. Notable participants in this conference included Dov Lior, one of the most prominent extreme-right rabbis over the years, and Rabbi Haim Smotrich, father of Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich. 

A few years later, one of the issues incorporated into the coalition agreement between Likud and Religious Zionism, as extensively covered by Shomrim, was the expansion of the authority of Rabbinical Courts to handle civil disputes, basing their judgments on Jewish law's Monetary Law principles.

Torat HaMedina is not limited to academic pursuits; it operates as a political lobby and actively engages in public campaigns. In 2022, its members vigorously opposed Israel signing the Istanbul Convention, designed to protect women from violence, arguing that it might encourage non-Jewish women to immigrate to Israel. Ultimately, Israel refrained from signing the convention, and Clause 106 of the coalition agreement between Likud and Religious Zionism ensures it never will.

The organization was also involved in a campaign characterizing the High Court as "unfaithful" after it reversed its own ruling that a woman who had been unfaithful was not entitled to half of her husband's property in divorce cases. This decision outraged Torat HaMedina and other far-right groups.

Revealing the connections between Torat HaMedina members and Religious Zionism leaders doesn't necessitate extensive investigative efforts. Last year, Kartman and Yakir initiated a crowdfunding campaign that enlisted both Smotrich and Rothman, before they assumed their current prominent roles in the government. The campaign also featured leading rabbis from the religious-Zionist community, including Dov Lior and the late Haim Druckman.

In a video, Smotrich acknowledges, "I often rely on members of Torat HaMedina – Rabbi Kobi and Rabbi Yair. I receive legislative proposals and position papers from them on pressing issues, sometimes without the time to delve into them deeply and understand their implications. The success in thwarting the Istanbul Convention – which is a very detrimental convention – is entirely thanks to them."

Yakir (left and clockwise), Kartman. Smotrich and Rothman. Screenshots from Youtube

Rothman adds, "Torat HaMedina, Rabbi Kobi, and Rabbi Yair are engaged in this work every day. They not only point out things we might have overlooked but, more importantly, collaborate with us to formulate a Torah-based approach on how to establish a Jewish state in the Land of Israel."

In response, Torat HaMedina stated, "Our organization is dedicated to formulating public policy informed by Torah sources. In doing so, Torat HaMedina continues the legacy of great figures like Chief Rabbi Yitzhak Halevi Herzog and his son, Rabbi Dr. Yaakov Herzog, Eliezer Waldenberg, and Rav Kook. Torat HaMedina maintains contact with public figures in the State of Israel from diverse communities. The Torat HaMedina NGO has no affiliation with the Movement for Governability and Democracy or any of its members."

3.

Komemiyut 

From 'Beast Parade' to Influencing Religious Zionism

Founded: 2006 | Budget for 2022: Approximately 1.5 million shekels ($400,000)

Apart from Smotrich, who is one of Komemiyut's founders, the organization has strong connections with the Religious Zionism party and its members. In August 2020, Komemiyut offered to participate in the party’s recruitment campaign

Komemiyut, an organization with Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich as one of its founding members, emerged in the aftermath of the 2005 disengagement with the intent of adopting a more hawkish stance than the Yesha Council. Known for its extremist messaging, Komemiyut was notably associated with organizing the controversial anti-gay "Beast Parade" in Jerusalem in 2006 and espousing anti-Arab sentiments. Besides Bezalel Smotrich, Rabbi Dov Lior, a long-standing figure in the extreme right, played a significant role within the organization. Lior's statement that "democracy is this generation’s idolatry" is eerily pertinent to the ongoing struggle in Israel.

"Beast parade", 2011, in protest against a nearby gay pride parade in Jerusalem. Photo: Reuters

Komemiyut's foundation rests on an NGO called "Komemiyut – Jewish Spirit and Heroism," established in 2006. Yehuda Amrani, presently serving as the spokesperson for the Mateh Binyamin Regional Council in the West Bank, held the position of secretary for Komemiyut. Notably, Amrani concurrently worked for Komemiyut and the Movement for Governability and Democracy for over two years, as uncovered in a 2018 exposé in Yedioth Ahronoth.

On the surface, Komemiyut maintains a relatively low public profile. Recent media references to its activities or organized conferences are scarce, its website lies dormant, and its last known activity was the settlers' march to the illegal West Bank outpost of Ma’aleh Levona in March 2021. The organization’s Facebook page, which is also inactive, features videos of its activities uploaded over a year ago, including content from Torat HaMedina, co-founded by Yair Kartman and Yaakov Yakir, who are also co-founders of the aforementioned Movement for Governability and Democracy.

It appears that Komemiyut currently serves as the infrastructure for Torat HaMedina's activities, which runs a yeshiva and Torah study center in Beit Orot, near the Mount of Olives in Jerusalem. Rabbi Dov Lior, a frequent visitor to the study center, relocated to this settlement a few years ago.

Rabbi Dov Lior at “Otzma Yehudit” far-right party. Photo: Reuters

The five individuals receiving salaries from Komemiyut have connections to Beit Orot. Kartman and Yakir lead the Torah study center bearing the organization's name and draw salaries from Komemiyut, as per the last published report in 2021. Three others—Chen Halamish, Shabi Shapiro, and Eliyahu Katan—are activists or officials at the Beit Orot yeshiva, operated by a different NGO that provides scholarships instead of salaries.

Though Komemiyut's reports to the Registrar of Associations do not explicitly mention its ties to the other two NGOs, Komemiyut donates funds to the Torah study center at Beit Orot (see link).

Apart from Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, who is one of Komemiyut's founders, the organization has strong connections with the Religious Zionism party and its members. In August 2020, Komemiyut offered to participate in the party’s recruitment campaign, assigning each of its activists a group of potential members. Lawmakers from Religious Zionism have visited Beit Orot frequently, including on Jerusalem Day this year, when the party held a festive faction meeting there, followed by their involvement in the controversial Flag March.

Komemiyut's other major area of activity is Garinim Torani’im. For many years, organization members served as leaders of the Garin Torani in Ramle, founded by Kartman. Kartman also acted as an authorized signatory and a member of Havruta, the large Garin Torani based in Tel Aviv, which had an annual budget of approximately 6.9 million shekels ($1.8 million) in 2021. Rabbi Eliyahu Dorfman, associated with Komemiyut and Regavim, serves as the rabbi of Havruta and participated in establishing two other Garinim Torani’im in the city. Akiva Smotrich, Israel's finance minister's brother, was a member of Havruta and previously held an authorized signatory position. Two ministers from Otzma Yehuda—Yitzhak Wasserlauf and Amihai Eliyahu—also hail from Garinim Torani’im. Wasserlauf was a member of the Ahi’ad Garin Torani, which, among its other activities, works against so-called ‘infiltrators’ in south Tel Aviv with the aim of restoring the Jewish majority there. Eliyahu comes from the Orot Yehuda Garin Torani in Migdal HaEmek.

The activities of the Garinim Torani’im have sparked substantial public criticism following an investigation by Molad, the Center for the Renewal of Israeli Democracy. The investigation exposed the extent of government support provided to Garinim Torani’im, including those in the country's center, through the Urban Department of the World Zionist Organization’s Settlement Division and the Housing and Construction Ministry—funds initially designated for impoverished peripheries. This led to a scathing report by the State Comptroller, criticizing the Housing and Construction Ministry for allocating public funds to politically affiliated organizations.

Between 2008 and 2013, Komemiyut received hundreds of thousands of shekels from the Friends of Beit-El Yeshiva, an American organization led by David Friedman, who later served as U.S. Ambassador to Israel under President Donald Trump. Additionally, Komemiyut received public funds over the years, with a notable example being the 92,000 shekels in support from local authorities in 2019.

Regarding the Garinim Torani’im, NGOs associated with the Rashit community in Ramat Hasharon received financial backing from the Meromim Foundation, controlled by Yitzchak Mirilashvili, with a budget of 80 million shekels in 2021. Simultaneously, the Friends of Beit-El Yeshiva made donations to the Ramle Garin Torani.

Komemiyut declined to comment on this story.

4.

Regavim 

Shaping Government Policy with Alumni in Key Positions

Founded: 2016 | Budget for 2021: Approximately 5.3 million shekels ($1.4 million)

Over the years, Regavim has benefited from public funding through regional councils in the West Bank, particularly the Binyamin Regional Council. In 2021 alone, Regavim received 365,000 shekels from regional councils

Shortly before Komemiyut was established, the Regavim NGO came into being, with almost identical lists of founders for both organizations. Seven out of eight founders of Komemiyut previously held official positions within Regavim, as reported by the Democratic Bloc. Notably, Bezalel Smotrich, who once served as operations director for Regavim, is among these individuals. He is not the sole former Regavim official who now holds a key government position. Yehuda Eliyahu, for instance, currently heads the Settlement Administration in the Defense Ministry, while two other alumni serve as bureau chiefs to Smotrich and Yitzhak Wasserlauf. Wasserlauf, incidentally, awarded this year's Regavim Media Prize to journalist Yair Krauss, now a writer for Ynet and formerly associated with Makor Rishon.

As of 2022, Regavim's stated goals include "halting the Palestinian takeover of Area C [of the West Bank]," "strengthening the Kaminitz Law," and "restoring governance to the Negev." Since its inception, Regavim has employed drones and aerial photography to closely monitor construction by Palestinians and Arab citizens of Israel. Their primary focus has been on Area C of the West Bank and the Negev, where Regavim has vigilantly tracked communities in the Bedouin diaspora and initiated campaigns urging authorities to dismantle those communities where land ownership by Bedouin residents could not be substantiated.

The ideas advocated by Regavim for years have now become integral parts of the coalition agreement between Religious Zionism and Likud. Clauses 138 and 139, for example, address conducting a census in the West Bank, approving new construction plans in the occupied territories, and accelerating the "campaign for open spaces," a euphemism for restricting Palestinian construction in Area C.

Regavim declined to comment on whether it advised Religious Zionism to include these issues in the coalition guidelines. However, Regavim's efforts to persuade the current government to evacuate the Bedouin community of Khan al-Ahmar have thus far been unsuccessful due to diplomatic considerations. Regavim actively campaigned for the community's evacuation, and the High Court even accepted a petition that granted the state the legal authority to do so. However, the current government has refrained from taking action for diplomatic reasons.

Israeli policemen detain a Palestinian in the Bedouin village of Khan al-Ahmar near Jericho. Photo: Reuters

Over the years, Regavim has benefited from public funding through regional councils in the West Bank, particularly the Binyamin Regional Council. In 2021 alone, Regavim received 365,000 shekels from regional councils. Indirectly, public funds also enter the organization's coffers through donations from Amana and its subsidiary, Binyanei Bar Amana. Notably, Amana, as revealed in a recent Shomrim investigation, profits from land granted at no charge by the state. In addition, Regavim has received donations from various private sources. Businessman Maccabi Carasso, a member of the prominent Carasso family, donated 363,000 shekels. In the same vein, he contributed 40,000 shekels to Komemiyut. In 2019 and 2021, Carasso even served as a guarantor for the National Union Party (now known as Religious Zionism) for a sum of one million shekels.

Another donor to both Regavim and Komemiyut is Yitzhak Skali, known for establishing illegal outposts and owning the Mount Kabir construction company, primarily operating in the occupied territories. Additionally, the Israel Independence Fund, founded in 2011 with a 2021 budget of approximately 1.3 million shekels, donated to Regavim, Komemiyut, and, in the past, the Movement for Governability and Democracy. This fund is led by American venture capitalist Kenneth Abramowitz, who has also made contributions to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu over the years.

Among other donors to Regavim and Komemiyut are businessman Ephraim Greenfield, one of the owners of the Jerusalem-based high-tech company Ophir Optronics, and Adar Capital Partners, controlled by Jewish-Argentinean banker Zev Marynberg.

Regavim said in response: “The Regavim movement is a civil organization that is engaged in promoting a Zionist land policy in Israel in the fields of research, media and the judiciary – as well as in parliament. For the 17 years since it was established, we have worked with Israeli governments and all the Zionist parties to put these issues on the agenda. Then as now, we work with various government ministries, share the information we have garnered – just like hundreds or thousands of other civil-society organizations, from the right and the left, which exist in the State of Israel and all advanced countries. This is the essence of democratic activity.”

Shomrim did not receive any response from Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich.

5.

Hazon and Gvanim

Key Players Behind Noam Party's Agenda and Anti-LGBTQ+ Campaigns

Founded: 2007 | Budget for 2021: Approximately 3.8 million shekels ($1 million)

"Gvanim – Moral Event Productions'' financially supported some of the billboards erected by Hazon during the election campaign, featuring slogans like "Mom and Dad – the courage to be normal

Avi Maoz, representing the single-member Noam faction on the extreme right of the Religious Zionism party coalition, now holds the position of deputy minister in the Prime Minister's Office, overseeing the newly established National Jewish Identity Authority. Maoz acts as a representative of Rabbi Zvi Thau, who heads the Har Hamor yeshiva in Jerusalem, considered one of the most extremist yeshivas in the religious-Zionist camp. The establishment of Noam had contributions from figures working behind the scenes, such as Netanel Simantov, the former director of the Garon Torani in Ramat Hasharon (the Rashit community). Notably, Simantov has close ties to Yitzchak Mirilashvili, the owner of Channel 14, where he serves as a representative.

Simantov has also been associated with the Hazon movement, initially a network of right-wing activists that later evolved into an NGO. Hazon began disseminating anti-LGBTQ+ sentiments approximately three to four years ago, reflecting ideas that Noam incorporated into its manifesto prior to the September 2019 Knesset election. For instance, an NGO named "Gvanim – Moral Event Productions'' financially supported some of the billboards erected by Hazon during the election campaign, featuring slogans like "Mom and Dad – the courage to be normal." Noam adopted a similar phrase, "Being a Normal Nation," from Hazon's campaign for its own literature during the 2019 campaign.

Simantov has been involved in establishing several NGOs with connections, whether financial or through shared managerial committee members. These organizations include Rashit, the Garin Torani in Ramat Hasharon, Karov Lev (the Center for Enhancing Jewish Identity), the Association for the Advancement of State-Religious Education, the Ramat Hasharon Yeshivat Hesder, and the Center for the Yearning for the Holy Temple. Some of these organizations have received support from the Meromim Foundation controlled by Yitzchak Mirilashvili over the years. Michael Edri, a former Gvanim activist and participant in various Rashit community-linked organizations in Ramat Hasharon, currently serves as deputy director of commerce at Channel 14.

Simantov said in response: “I thank God for the privilege of being part of a variety of social initiatives.”

6.

Chotam

Advocating Anti-LGBTQ+ Views and Conversion Therapy

Founded: 2014 | Budget for 2021: Approximately 790,000 shekels ($210,000)

Rabbi Yigal Kaminsky, one of Chotam's leaders, urged people to vote for the Religious Zionism alliance, headed by Smotrich, Maoz, and Ben-Gvir, in a video posted on the official Noam party YouTube channel in October 2022

Chotam, formally known as "Chotam – Judaism on the Agenda," is an NGO that shares similar ideas with Noam but maintains no formal organizational connection or links with the political party. Chotam's objectives revolve around promoting Shabbat observance in the public sphere, conversion to Judaism, kashrut (kosher dietary laws), and other issues related to the relationship between the state and religion. The organization is led by Rabbi Yaakov Ariel, the rabbi of Ramat Gan, who once cautioned against renting apartments to same-sex couples.

Within Chotam, there exists a subsidiary called "Choosing Family – the Movement for Strengthening Family Values in Israel." This branch published a glossary of LGBTQ+ terms on its website, ostensibly to explain LGBTQ+ terminology. However, the glossary contained blatant criticism of LGBTQ+ individuals and advocated for conversion therapy. Another pamphlet by the group included questions and answers about "homosexual tendencies."

Michael Puah, the head of Choosing Family, alongside Chotam, filed a defamation lawsuit in December 2022 against Haaretz and the Walla website for associating them with Noam in articles about the establishment of a student cell of the organization at the Technion. The case against Walla was settled out of court, while the suit against Haaretz is ongoing.

In its defense, Haaretz contended that its article did not assert any structural or organizational connection between Choosing Family and Noam. However, Haaretz argued that both Chotam and Choosing Family share the same anti-LGBTQ+ ideology as Noam, collaborate with each other, and have individual connections with members of the Noam party.

Haaretz provided several examples to illustrate this alleged connection. During the 2019 election campaign, Amitai Porat, who headed Chotam's legal department, was fourth on Noam's list of Knesset candidates and openly spoke about his involvement with Chotam and Choosing Family.

Rabbi Yigal Kaminsky, one of Chotam's leaders, urged people to vote for the Religious Zionism alliance, headed by Smotrich, Maoz, and Itamar Ben-Gvir, in a video posted on the official Noam party YouTube channel in October 2022. Two months earlier, he also spoke at a Noam conference. Additionally, in November 2022, Chotam expressed support for MK Avi Maoz in a Facebook post, and Rabbi Zvi Thau made a donation to Choosing Family's crowdfunding campaign around the same time.

In response, Chotan said: “The Chotam organization has been working for many years for Jewish identity in the State of Israel. Chotam has an ideological connection to any party, organization or individual working for the Jewish identity of the State of Israel and the desire of the Jewish people to embrace its Judaism. In the political context, the majority of Israelis expressed this desire at the polling booth in the last election. We would point out that newspapers and websites like Walla, which tried to make a connection between Chotam and any political party and/or to ascribe political motives to the organization’s activities, were forced to apologize for this as part of a court ruling.”

This is a summary of shomrim's story published in Hebrew.
To read the full story click here.